An Akali Jatha attempted to take control of Gurdwara at Nankana Sahib, birthplace of Guru Nanak. Pre-planned armed resistance by Mahant Narain Das resulted in massacre of about 200 Sikhs, on February 20, 1921the birth anniversary of Guru Har Rai.
Mahatma Gandhi visited Nankana Sahib on March 3, 1921.
Speaking at a *Shahidi Diwan* he said, "The news of Nankana was so staggering that he would not believe it without confirmation." *(Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, **Vol. XIX, p. 397.)
After his enquiries, in an open letter to Sikhs, Gandhiji termed the massacre "a second edition of Dyerism" but with tongue-in-cheek lawyer's language justified the corrupt Mahant's right to defend his possession of the public property. He pleads that those who murdered over 200 persons should be forgiven because they were "our countrymen", and that the dead could not be brought back to life. He suggests that the murder cases should not be placed before an unjust government, but at the same time says "law-courts were open to them", and it would be difficult to understand "them" meant which party or both.
It would not be appropriate to select passages from the letter, as from Gandhiji's double-speak any interpretation can be made. Therefore the full text follows:
Dear Friends:
Having made my pilgrimage to Nankana Sahib yesterday, I would like to say a word to the Sikh friends. The traces that I saw of the massacre at one of the greatest of your temples and the stories related to me have left an indelible impression on my mind.
There seems little doubt that nearly one hundred and fifty men of the Akali Party were foully murdered and their bodied mutilated on that fateful Sunday, the 20th ultimo whilst not a single one of the murderers was apparently hurt by the Akali Party. There is no doubt that at least one Akali was tied to a tree in the temple ground and probably burnt alive. There is still less doubt that many of the corpses were soaked in paraffin and in order probably to hide the fact that men of only one party were killed. They were burnt. Not one of the Akalis that gained entrance to the temple seems to have escaped to tell the tale of the butchery.
The temple presents the appearance of a fort. The walls of the rooms that surround the shrine are pierced to admit of shooting through them. The partition walls have connecting holes. The main door has massive steel plates evidently of recent make. The *Granth* *Sahib *bears bullet marks. The walls of the sanctuary and the pillars tell the same tale. The Akali Party seems to have been treacherously admitted and the gates closed on them. Everything I saw and heard points to a second edition of Dyerism, more barbarous, more calculated and more fiendish than the Dyerism at Jallianwalla! Man is Nankana, where once a snake is reported to have innocently spread its hood to shade the lamb like Guru, turned Satan on the black Sunday.
India weeps today over the awful tragedy. I am ashamed to find that there are men today who are capable of the crime committed by sons of India in that holy temple. Information is lacking to show why the Akali Party went to the temple and whether they offered resistance to the murderers. They had their kirpans and most, their hatchets. There are three possibilities that could have happened:
1. The party went by a show of force to take possession of the temple but were overwhelmed by superior force and died fighting bravely.
2. The party went merely as worshippers, had no intention of taking possession and were treacherously murdered without being able to defend themselves.
3. The party went as worshippers as in the second case, and were mercilessly attacked but though able to defend themselves, would not retaliate and willingly died being under a vow not to use violence in connection with the Gurdwara movement.
The contention of my informants who can only speak from hearsay is that the party went and died as supposed in the third alternative. If it is so, the martyrs have showed courage and resignation of the highest order of which the Sikhs, India and the whole world have every reason to be proud. [Indirectly Gandhiji was suggesting that is what should have happened.] It is a matter of the greatest satisfaction that the Sikhs with whom I have discussed the possibilities persist in believing the last.
In the second instance, the bravery of the defenders was as unquestioned as in the last.
In the case first imagined the bravery was great but the morality of the act; i.e. the taking possession by show of a force must remain open to question and ordinarily speaking made the Akalis a party of trespassers whom the party in possession was entitled in law to use sufficient force to repel.
The Akalis are a party of purists. They are impatient to rid the Gurdwaras of abuses that have crept. They insist upon uniformity of worship in the Gurdwaras. The Movement has been going on for some years. Both co-operating and non-co-operating Sikhs have, since the movement of the non-cooperation, been acting in concert so far as the Gurdwara movement is concerned. And even if it is discovered ultimately that the Akali party went to Nankana Sahib by show of force to dispossess [what Gandhiji wanted to assert] a Mahant who had abused his trust, history will still call the immolation an act of martyrdom, worthy of high praise. Judged by the highest standard and that of non-violent non-cooperation, if the first supposition turns out to be true [Gandhiji asserts his own interpretation once again] the act of entering to take possession must bear the taint can never be held as in any way justifying or excusing the fiendish barbarity of the crime committed by the murderers. The law courts were open to them no man using violence can plead non-cooperation for not seeking the assistance of the law courts.
Time, however, for adjudging the exact value of the martyrdom is not yet. It is more to the point to consider the immediate steps that should be taken. I can only think of the tragedy in terms of Indian nationality. The merit of the brave deed must belong not merely only to the Sikhs but to the whole nation. And my advice, therefore, must be to ask the Sikh friends to shape their future conduct in accordance with the needs of the nation. The present way of seeking justice against the murderers is not to seek it. The perpetrators, whether they are Sikhs, Pathans or Hindus are our countrymen.
Their punishment cannot recall the dead to life. I would ask those whose hearts are lacerated to forgive them, not out of their weakness for they are able in every way to have them punished but out of their immeasurable strength. Only the strong can forgive. You can add to the glory of the martyrdom of the dear ones by refusing to take revenge,
Moreover those who are non-cooperationists may not have recourse to British law courts even for getting murderers punished. If e will be free within one year, we must have the courage to suffer even the murderer to go scot-free till we have established a government in accordance with our will and which can vindicate justice.
Let the Sikhs beware. The Government will no doubt try to win them over to them by showing that they alone punish the guilty. Law courts of an evil government are traps into which the unwary run unwittingly.
But if we have not yet visualized the wickedness of the system under which we were governed and therefore at a crucial moment will not avoid the existing law courts, let us not thoughtlessly blunder into having our own committee side by side with the Government Committee of inquiry. Let us frankly admit our imperfection or weakness and avail ourselves of the law courts or boldly face the possibility of murderers being let loose upon us. It is dangerous to conceal our weakness; it is still more dangerous to make pretence of courage.
It is common knowledge that the Mahant had been preparing for a long time and practically open to give battle. He had collected ammunition; he was surrounding himself with ruffians. Government officials could not but have known the preparation. You, therefore, naturally suspect that high officials contemplated with equanimity, if they did not encourage the penetration of a heinous deed. You are anxious to find out the exact truth. A moment's reflection must convince you that even if it is found that some government officials were guilty of such complicity, the discovery takes you and India no further than where we stand today. You and practically the whole of India want to sweep the whole of the Government out of existence unless the system under which it is being carried on is radically altered. It would be wrong to divert the attention of any section of the nation from the main or the only issue, which is before the country.
Such for the tragedy.
The whole of the Gurdwara movement requires overhauling. There is no doubt that a large party proceeding to Gurdwara to take possession does constitute a show of force even though nonviolence is contemplated or intended. And in a well-ordered society, no individual except under a process of law is permitted to dispossess by a show of force or any other undue pressure even a wicked man who has been ostensibly in possession of public property such as temples. If such individual action were permitted there would be an end to all good government and the weak would be left without the right of protection. Such attempt, therefore, on your part will be negation of the Khalsa Dharm, whose basis is protection of the weak. No one can be more eager for real reform in our temples and removal of abuse than I. But let us not be party to measures that may be worse than any reform sought to be brought about. There are two ways open to you, either to establish arbitration boards for settlement of possession of all Gurdwaras or temples claimed to be Gurdwaras or postponement of the question till the attainment of Swaraj. If you would let the martyrdom as Nankana bear fruit, exemplary self-restraint and suspension of the movement to take possession of Gurdwaras by means of Akali parties are absolutely necessary.
March 4, 1921.
I am,
Your Faithful Friend
M.K.Gandhi