At least since the Islamic Mullahs overthrew the Shah of Iran, and even more so during the past year, there has been a rising crescendo of the talking heads on television telling us of the dangers of religious fundamentalism. They warn us and alarm us: the rising tide of fundamentalism poses a danger to human survival and to civilized society, as we know it. Religious fundamentalists all over the globe are fighting to carve new boundaries and new nations, and they stand ready to destroy anyone who blocks their way. The religious fundamentalists, it is alleged, are the least tolerant of any people.

But the media pundits talk primarily of Islamic fundamentalism and its intolerance. They rarely mention Christian fundamentalists, who are also intolerant of all other religions, and even of Christians who do not believe in their particular brand of Christianity. This differential and deferential treatment often stems from the fact that many of the pundits identify personally with the Christian fundamentalists. In addition, the Christian fundamentalists seem to operate primarily in countries with nominally secular governments and thus can do only limited harm to government and society as a whole.

History tells us that this, of course, was not always the case, and even now such obsessively single-minded believers are not entirely harmless. The television pundits rightly condemn the second-class place of women in orthodox Muslim society and the precarious existence therein of all non-Muslims, as well as the lack of free discussion and debate in such closed orthodoxies.

What these pundits forget is that the Inquisition stemmed from dogmatic Christians. Lynching of Blacks was often done in the name of Christianity, and that was not so long ago. I remember Cardinal Spellman painting the sign of the cross on the helmets of young American soldiers on their way to Vietnam. Even today the debate over a woman’s right to abortion usually gets obscured in religious doctrine and dogma. Keep in mind that even in these days of enlightenment President Bush uses American financial might to impose his religious beliefs on poorer nations when he vetoes any funding for programs that might provide education or technology for birth control.

My purpose here is to cast a jaundiced eye on the whole concept of fundamentalism. To me the examples of Islamic and Christian intransigence that I have cited are not really examples of religious fundamentalism at all but of fanatic intolerance.

Literally, fundamentalism means to be in touch with the basics, the fundamentals — in this case, of a religion. I think such fundamentalism should be the minimum expected from anyone who professes a religion, be it Islam, Christianity, Sikhism or any one of the wide varieties of religious experience. I am an anatomist so, one hopes, I know the fundamentals of anatomy. If I am a Sikh, I should be similarly comfortable with the fundamentals of my faith. Once a person rejects the fundamentals, one cannot in good faith remain a part of the whole, the institution. That is my position. I could hardly function as an anatomist or be able to assert the right to call myself one if I were no longer in command of the fundamentals of anatomy. Being a Sikh, Hindu or Christian seems no different in concept or in principle.

Thus, fundamentalism is not and cannot be inherently evil. It is the “ talibanized ” version of fundamentalism that is evil. Excessive enthusiasm for one’s own belief and the diminution and demeaning of the viewpoint of other people to the point of denying them the right to believe in their own way — that would certainly be evil. And that is fanaticism, which would and should be sinful under any circumstances, in any place at any time.

Contrary to what we usually think, not all fanatics necessarily believe in religion of any sort. When we look at religions of the world, we often recognize the good that religions have done by fostering and awakening the humanity in humans. More often, however, we see the injustice that has been committed in the name of religion. The crusades, the jihads, the Inquisition and the more recent pogroms of the Nazis bear witness to the inhumanity people express in the name of religion. Do not forget to add to this incomplete litany of religious intolerance the genesis and history of the long-running troubles in Ireland and the Arab-Jewish imbroglio.

Hinduism is generally thought of as a historically tolerant faith that is only recently becoming viciously intolerant of others. I should add that Hindu intolerance in the name of religion is not new but had merely been held in check for the many centuries that Hindus were powerless either under the Muslims or under the British. History suggests that St. Thomas, who took Christianity to India perhaps around A.D. 52, died at the hands of fanatical Brahmins. Similar minds decimated Buddhism in India, the land of its birth. We now remember the systematically repressive and genocidal policies of the secular Indian government against the Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, as well as against people of other minority religions over the past two decades and even longer.

We often think that perhaps many of these pogroms and policies against religious people stemmed directly from or were a reaction to the fanatical beliefs and practices of the believers. Beware of those who hold too tightly to their religions, conventional wisdom warns us, for they are fanatics and least tolerant of diversity. But not all fanatics are believers in religions, as we know them. That’s why I use the example of India, where secular principles are enshrined in the constitution.

Look at the irony of another situation — it would be delicious were it not so illogically and fanatically cruel.

In Turkey today, a Muslim woman walking down the street who wears a hijab (scarf covering her head, neck and shoulders), as required by her religion, would invite governmental hostility. But if the same Muslim woman appeared on the street in Iran without her hijab, she would also face immediate legal reprisals. Much of the world probably wouldn’t care either way. Turkey is a secular country while Iran is governed strictly by Islamic law.

It would be illegal in Turkey for a family to hold in its home an Islamic religious service officiated by a cleric. If Sikhs build a gurdwara in Kuwait, it would be closed by order of the government; Sikhs can, however, practice their faith within their own home, even in Kuwait. Turkey is secular, Kuwait is Islamic, but is one more fanatical? Is one less tolerant than the other?

The policies of Iran, Kuwait and many other Islamic countries ostensibly are derived from their religion; those of Turkey seem to stem from a rejection not of just one religion — Islam — but effectively from a rejection of all religions. Turkey is aggressively secular. But what is secularism?

Is “secularism” to be the new religion replacing the older religions with the support of the government? Can rejection of religion itself become a religion? However illogical, that seems to be the intent in Turkey. Does rejection of religion promote or guarantee tolerance? Not necessarily, as evidenced by the case of Turkey.

A government that is truly representative of all the people can and should be determinedly fanatical in requiring that all its citizens uphold the laws of society. The laws of a society primarily and minimally require its citizens to conduct their lives such that they respect the rights, persons and property of their neighbors. One of these rights is to be able to live one’s life according to one’s faith. But to enforce a religion of secularism means to deny people the right to believe and practice their religion, even if it is not in conflict with laws that protect them or their neighbors. To require from citizens a denial of their own beliefs makes secularism a religion and its proponents and prophets undeniably fanatics. I give you the example of communism as an example of non-traditional religion.

It seems to me that forcing such aggressive secularism as a belief system provides an excellent working definition and model of fanaticism. Lest one think that this is separation of politics and religion, I emphasize that this is not at all inherent in the concept of separation of church and state. That concept means only that the state will not establish, promote or hinder any religion. If clearly thought through, that concept would reject the words “In God We Trust” on the currency or “One nation under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance. It would also allow an Orthodox Jew or a turbaned Sikh to serve in the armed services of the United States without hindrance.

There is no virtue in being nominally secular as India claims to be or aggressively so as Turkey is or as the Soviet Union used to be. The point is for individual citizens to be fundamentalist in the true meaning of the word — that is, remaining faithful to the fundamentals of their belief — while remaining tolerant of the different beat of the distant drummer that their neighbor chooses to walk to on his or her religious path. It is in this latter condition that India and Turkey seem to be critically deficient.

This principle exactly is the bedrock of Sikh belief: to believe and practice one’s faith by understanding its fundamentals but never to enforce it on others. History tells us that Aurungzeb, the 17th-century Muslim ruler of India, declared Islamization of the country as his national policy goal. Hindus were converted by force. At that time, the Sikh Guru, Tegh Bahadur, at the entreaty of Hindus, chose to accept martyrdom to insure that Hindus could practice their own faith as they deemed fit. He did so not because he did not value the fundamentals of his own Sikh belief, which was not Hinduism. His sacrifice was a testament to the fundamentals of his own Sikh faith — tolerance of the different views of others and helping them chart their own destiny, as they saw fit.

The approach of all Sikh Gurus, from Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh, was similar. They taught a message that did not diminish or demean others. They considered no one person or his religion to be the enemy. They fought battles, yet were equally willing to welcome the opponent as a friend. The lives of Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh are a testament to this. History tells us that in the many battles that the Gurus fought, some of their allies were Hindu; others were Muslim. At times some enemies were Hindu, while others were Muslim. Through all this the Gurus never forced their beliefs on any people, subjugated others or conquered any territory. For almost half a century until the arrival of the British in the mid 19th century, Sikhs dominated north India ; the ruler, Ranjit Singh, ruled justly with an emphasis on tolerance to ensure that the fundamentals of all faiths were respected.

Here I must offer an apologia of sorts. What I have recounted is Sikh history. In the past two decades or so, whether in response to the political realities in India where the Sikhs are under siege or as fallout from fundamentalists and fanatics from around the world, Sikhism, too, has produced its share of talibanized Sikhs who are intolerantly fanatical. Assuredly, there is no way to justify or garner support for such self-righteousness and hubris in Sikh tradition, history or doctrine.

Fundamentals of one’s belief are important to a sense of self; intolerance and fanaticism are inimical to it. This is the crux of a civilized and cultured existence.